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Malapportionment and Public Policy in the States
The Journal of Politics, 1965C OMMENTATORS ON STATE POLICY have often implied that malapportionment seriously affects the policy choices of state legislatures. In the literature on state politics it is frequently argued that there are important policy differences between urban and rural constituencies and that malapportionment, by over-representing rural interests, grants them a ...
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The Malapportionment of the US House of Representatives: 1940–2020
PS: Political Science & Politics, 2022ABSTRACTIn the latest round of the apportionment of the US House of Representatives following the 2020 Census, the State of New York lost a seat by an extremely small margin: if a mere 89 people were added to the state’s population of 20 million, the state would have kept the seat.
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Bargaining in Bicameral Legislatures: When and Why Does Malapportionment Matter?
American Political Science Review, 2003Malapportionment of seats in bicameral legislatures, it is widely argued, confers disproportionate benefits to overrepresented jurisdictions. Ample empirical research has documented that unequal representation produces unequal distribution of government expenditures in bicameral legislatures.
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Historical malapportionment and Victoria's Legislative Assembly
2023Malapportionment—large differences between the numbers of voters in electorates—has existed at different points in Victoria’s history. While changes occurred in the 1950s, it was only the electoral reforms of the 1980s that greatly reduced the extent of malapportionment across Legislative Assembly districts.
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Disproportionality and malapportionment: Measuring electoral inequity
Electoral Studies, 1994Abstract Political and social scientists often wish to measure inequity—the deviation of some actual distribution from a comparative standard distribution based on merit, need, or some other expectation. Measurements of income inequality have the longest history, but others can be identified, including two of direct interest in electoral studies ...
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Malapportionment and Ideological Bias in Chilean Electoral Districts
Latin American Politics and Society, 2016AbstractIn 2015, Chile fundamentally reformed the electoral system it had used since 1989. The old system was characterized by high levels of malapportionment, or differences across districts in the ratios of voters to representatives. In the first elections after redemocratization, malapportionment favored the ideological right, but elections since ...
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Malapportionment in Norway's parliamentary elections since 1921
Norsk Geografisk Tidsskrift, 1981Knowles, R. D. 1981. Malapportionment in Norway's parliamentary elections since 1921. Norsk geogr. Tidsskr. Vol. 35, 147–159. Oslo. ISSN 0029-1951. A number of recent studies have analysed malapportionment in countries using single member constituencies. Malapportionment in countries using multi-member constituencies has been neglected.
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Malapportionment and the 2012 House of Representatives Election
2013Japan is notorious for its malapportioned election districts. Japan’s Supreme Court measures this inequality by comparing the districts with the largest and smallest populations. For the 2012 election, the largest district, based on census estimates, was the Chiba 4th District with 494,141 registered voters and the smallest district was the Kochi 3rd ...
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Legislative Partisanship, Constituency and Malapportionment: The Case of California
American Political Science Review, 1972Two principal problems were analyzed in the study: (1) the impact of malapportionment on party voting, and (2) the influence of constituency on legislative partisanship. The California Senate was used as a test case because it was generally considered to deviate from the pattern of party voting found in other two-party states, and because it was the ...
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Malapportionment, Gerrymandering, and Party Fortunes in Congressional Elections
American Political Science Review, 1972This paper explores the relationship between the partisan division of the northern vote in U.S. House elections and the partisan division of northern House seats. From at least 1952 through 1964, there was a noticeable pro-Republican bias to northern districting, in the sense that the Republicans consistently won about ten per cent more of the seats ...
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