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The Interaction of Segmental-Prosodic Rules with Tonal Rules: A Case Study of North Kyungsang Korean [PDF]
Kim, No-Ju
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Language Sciences, 2009
Abstract This paper sketches tone in the Luhya (Bantu) language Tachoni, spoken in Western Kenya, with the goal of filling a lacuna in our understanding of tonal grammars both in Bantu and human language. Most aspects of Tachoni tone are encountered in other Bantu languages, such as the two-way lexical opposition in root tone as well as rules ...
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Abstract This paper sketches tone in the Luhya (Bantu) language Tachoni, spoken in Western Kenya, with the goal of filling a lacuna in our understanding of tonal grammars both in Bantu and human language. Most aspects of Tachoni tone are encountered in other Bantu languages, such as the two-way lexical opposition in root tone as well as rules ...
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Journal of African Languages and Linguistics, 2000
The phrasal tonology of Zinza can be described in terms of four major processes, namely deletion of H from phrase-medial inflected verbs, insertion of H on the first of two toneless words, leftward shift of word-final H tone, and rightward spreading of penultimate H tone in phrase-medial position.
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The phrasal tonology of Zinza can be described in terms of four major processes, namely deletion of H from phrase-medial inflected verbs, insertion of H on the first of two toneless words, leftward shift of word-final H tone, and rightward spreading of penultimate H tone in phrase-medial position.
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Journal of African Languages and Linguistics
Abstract Silozi is one of Zambia’s seven national languages, and is also spoken in parts of Botswana, Namibia, and Zimbabwe. At its heart the language can fairly be characterized as a “Shift and Double” one, where an underlying High tone shifts to the following TBU and then doubles onto the next one in defined prosodic domains.
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Abstract Silozi is one of Zambia’s seven national languages, and is also spoken in parts of Botswana, Namibia, and Zimbabwe. At its heart the language can fairly be characterized as a “Shift and Double” one, where an underlying High tone shifts to the following TBU and then doubles onto the next one in defined prosodic domains.
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1987
This monograph lays the foundation for a prosodological theory of Tibeto-Burman languages within a comparative and reconstructional framework. It is primarily based on data collections of mostly unknown languages on which the author worked for more than 10 years on several projects.
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This monograph lays the foundation for a prosodological theory of Tibeto-Burman languages within a comparative and reconstructional framework. It is primarily based on data collections of mostly unknown languages on which the author worked for more than 10 years on several projects.
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‘Leftward ho!’ in Zulu tonology
South African Journal of African Languages, 1989Tonal rules that move a high tone from one tone-bearing unit to another are of two types: those that are immediately followed by the delinking of the high tone from the tone-bearing unit with which it was originally associated, and those where the high tone spreads to the next syllable while retaining its initial association, ending up as a doubly ...
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Parametric phonology and boundary tonology in Xhosa
South African Journal of African Languages, 1998The fallacious practice of formulating language-particular rules whenever.solving phonological problems has pained phonologists for almost two decades.
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Headed Spans and Bantu Tonology
2007McCarthy (2004) shows that OT-based theories of featural and tonal assimilation to date are inadequate for two reasons: (i) they fail to distinguish between candidates showing varying degrees of harmony; (ii) or, they achieve assimilation disingenously (i.e. via unattested repairs).
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This paper describes and analyzes the verbal tonology of Town Nyanja, spoken inLusaka, Zambia. While closely related to Malawian Chichewa and Eastern ProvinceNyanja, Town Nyanja is shown to be critically different in several respects. First,unlike Chichewa, which still exhibits a tone contrast in verb roots, Town Nyanjahas lost that underlying contrast.
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